The thinkers and theorists in development have proposed various theories on the non-convergent path of development in different societies. In line with this, as one of new institutionalists North studied the transition from Limited Access Order (LAO) (i. e., Natural State) to Open Access Order (OAO) by emphasizing the violence concept. In this paper, it is tried to investigate the institutional barriers to Iran's transition from the Natural State (NS) during the second Pahlavi era; therefore, an analytic narrative is presented about elements such as the official political institutions, formal economic institutions, major domestic superordinates and the rent resources during this period using the Governance Diamond Index (GDI). Hence, this time span is divided into two different periods, namely Fragile Limited Access Order (FLAO) and Basic Limited Access Order (BLAO), and the interaction among ruling coalition members is studied using GDI. Although Iran experienced BLAO in this period, the historical evidence shows the major issue was that this country not only did not move toward OAO, its conditions even led to FLAO and eventually chaos after undergoing a period of BLAO. The results of this study illustrate that the country was exposed to continuous violence due to lack of a coalition among superordinates, the domination of personal relationships over all affairs, and the non-productive distribution of rents under the shadow of increased oil revenues and foreign aid.

Modernity development of architecture and urban planning during the Pahlavi Era has been more manifested in the physical aspects of the house rather than the semantic and content factors, which have been considerably changed and critical in the contemporary era. It can be claimed that the quality of residence and settlement of the house and the relationship between individuals and space have mainly changed since the Pahlavi Era. Like other developing countries, the renovation process became critical in Iran, and the cultural aspect was ignored in the economic and social planning despite the available few experiences. In that era, the architectural body that always was mixed with cultural concepts became separated from them. This study addresses the cultural factors, architecture, and urban rules affecting the physical changes in the houses constructed during Pahlavi I, Pahlavi II, and post-revolution periods. The main question asks how the changes in construction and renovation rules affect the pattern of houses in the Pahlavi Period, as well as the physical pattern of houses. This study aims to find the effect of evolutions in the spatial patterns of Iranian houses and the house construction and design rules as independent variables on the spatial features of modern houses as the dependent variable during two periods of Pahlavi (I and II) and after the revolution in Tehran. The data are collected through case studies and documentary samples. The research method is qualitative based on the historical-descriptive technique. The data summarization has been done based on the content analysis to assess the effective data and components. Finally, the examinations are done in the house patterns of each period. The results indicate that indicators of architectural patterns and construction rules have affected the different social classes in each period. The advent of modern architecture and laws of municipalities (that act as law enforcers) provided the field for such changes and evolutions. These rules led to some pattern changes and the loss of Iranian architectural indicators due to their imposed restrictions. Moreover, the government-people-architects convergence played a vital role in urban and architectural modernization and evolution.

AbstractThe purpose of this study is to study women's health.To better focus on the topic of discussion, Isfahan has been selected as another important city in the country for research.The family has been a fundamental unit in all societies And this shows the importance of the role of women in family health and the promotion of community health.With the formation of the Pahlavi government,activities were carried out in the field of health affairs,which included matters related to women,such as the establishment of specialized hospitals and the training of specialized staff.With the formation of the Health Corps,women's health was also considered in the public health subdivision,and women's wards and maternal and child health centers were established in hospitals.Specialized women's departments were formed in universities,and meetings were held to technically review women's health and introduce their progress.Therefore,the main issue is the developments that occurred in the field of women's health and,consequently,the main question is how to develop women's health,factors of women's interest in personal health and the role of women's advocacy bodies in this development. based on archival documents, magazines,newspapers and interviews,this issue has been studied by descriptive-analytical method.The results obtained show that in order to ensure public health,it was necessary to thoroughly investigate women's health problems; Because women,as one of the main pillars of the family,have taken on the task of ensuring the health and well-being of other members.In fact,the main outcome revealed that women's education and health is one of the medical strategies in prevention.

"Influence" is one of the strategies of exercising power, which was applied in hard and semi-hard forms in the old ages and in the new age in a soft form by one country against another country or by a person or a group on another person or group. In this article, the researchers intend to investigate the American security influence during the Pahlavi period in line with the Jihad of explanation. The research question is based on the basis of what was the American security influence during the Pahlavi period? To achieve this goal, the research with a descriptive-analytical method based on a qualitative model with an explanatory approach of wise and structural-causal authority, first of all, the axes and examples of the American security influence in the Pahlavi period based on convincing documents and documents are considered and analyzed. The findings of the research indicate that America has focused on the authority of power in the country i. e. the king in order to influence the security field of this period due to the dictatorial government structure where most of the power is in the hands of the ruler and by influencing and dominating this,so the authority of power uses two intelligence and security institutions of the country (SAVAK and the army's counter-intelligence) for its goals and interests in Iran and the West Asia region.

It has been more fifty years since the development planning was first introduced in Iran. The government still relies on a planning system as the most effective institution to instigate and promote development. The government considers planning as constituting its most vital mission and propagates the image of planning among the implementers and executive agencies as being the most cherished service to the society. While this is the most rudimentary conception for organizing a planning system, and this misconception is at the root of planning failure in Iran. The experience of a planning system in the period of Pahlavi II shows that the state planning, at least in Iran, has led to disorganization as well as multiple opposition within different social strata of people. The planning system is more preoccupied with the expansion of d1e control and a deepening of state's role in the processes of the economy, politics and culture. Such a preoccupation contrasts with a primary concern with development per se. The planning system was hurriedly devised by the world system to further dependency of the periphery countries. As such, it has increased state's totalitarianism and has created structural schism in various parts of the Iranian society. The present article studies the planning process in Pahlavi II. It recognizes two major sets of constraints: operational and structural. These constraints, accompanied by inappropriate co-existence of the state with the planning system provide the most important reasons why the planning has failed in achieving development.      

Always explaining the dimensions and studying foreign policy of Iranian past governments is a way to determine the policy and area of decision-making for the future. By analyzing the foreign policy of the Pahlavi regime, this point comes to mind that Iran has had a constant fear of the Soviets and this kind of Soviet phobia plays an important role in the policies and strategies of its foreign relations. This article attempts to explain the factors and sources of Soviet phobia in the second Pahlavi regime and Describes its role in the foreign policy decision-making process. In this regard, by analyzing the subject by modeling and combining two theories of Marvin Zeonis' political psychology and James Rozna's theory of continuity, and by explaining the sources: person, role, structure of government, social structure, transnational factors or international system, the dimensions of Soviet phobia and its impact on the foreign policy decision-making process of Pahlavi II. In this article has been used Descriptive-explanatory method.

Abstract The coronation of Pahlavi II on October 26, 1967 was held at Golestan Palace some 26 years after inauguration of the king into the office. The delay in coronation of the new king was due to political and economic conditions in Iran in September 1942 and the occupation of the country by the allied forces as well as lack of required legitimacy on the part of the government. Strengthening his monarchical rule, especially after the August 19, 1953 coup, the Shah of Iran felt free to hold his coronation. After escaping multiple assassination attempts, with prince still a child, the Shah had his worries about the future of the monarchy. He wanted to grant Queen Farah the title of regent during coronation to guarantee attachment of monarchy to the Pahlavi reign in case of his death. Therefore, the ceremony was both for his coronation and for regency of Queen Farah. To that end, the Shah attempted to build legitimacy for himself through archaism. He was strongly opposed, however, by the religious forces who likened his reign to Bani Umayyad caliphate in their attempts to delegitimize his government. His opponents renounced his coronation and took steps against him for various reasons. This paper intends to find an appropriate answer to the following question: Why did the religious forces and Imam Khomeini oppose coronation of the Shah and what did they do to that end? This paper has been developed through a descriptive-analytical method while using library documents. Findings of the research work indicate that religious forces, headed by Imam Khomeini, opposed coronation for its contradiction with the principles of Islam, its heavy costs, and regency of Farah Pahlavi and expressed their opposition by hostile acts, demonstrations, and distribution of anti-regime leaflets.k

Developing the military structure is one of the distinctive features of the Pahlavi dynasty in the 1970s. The Pahlavi government, took new political and security roles affected by some integrated international and internal factors, which rapidly converted into a focal point for the west. The dynasty succeeded in building its military machine. The result was an increase in Iran’s military and political movements and interventions both territorially and extraterritorially, which happened during the last decade of Pahlavi’s reign.The present article aims at surveying militarism and its effect on foreign policies of the Pahlavi government. Subsequently, adopting militarism as an international and foreign policy, imposed heavy expenses on the regime. Its regional consequences, led to rapid foreign policy disintegration of the Pahlavi regime.

During the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, there were political, cultural, and economic relations between the two countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The main question of this research is: What were the political relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia like during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah? The cooperation of Iran as a military pillar and Saudi Arabia as a financial pillar and the alliance with the West and America, the suppression of movements opposing the existing status quo such as the Omani Communist Movement (Dhofar) had led to friendly political relations between the two countries. The cooperation of Iran as a military pillar and Saudi Arabia as a financial pillar and the alliance with the West and America, the suppression of movements opposing the existing status quo such as the Omani Communist Movement (Dhofar) had led to friendly political relations between the two countries. The two countries were among the largest oil producers in the world and founders and members of OPEC, and they exchanged views on stabilizing and fluctuating prices as well as the amount of oil production of this organization. There were not many cultural and economic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, except for the issue of oil. Religious differences between the people of these two countries, the mistreatment of Iranian pilgrims by Saudi officials, and regional rivalries between these two countries have been among the reasons for the rivalry and hostility between these two countries during this period.

The present article compares the theory and experience of urban politics and diplomacy in modernization in two different periods of Pahlavi II and Islamic Republic. One of the goals of the foreign policy of any country, in general, is the development of the sphere of influence. The sphere of influence also means the formation of spaces for presenceThe meaning of sphere of influence is the formation of spaces for the visible and invisible presence of a country so that it can promote the values it cares about. This article is of a descriptive and analytical type and tries to examine and analyze the policies of the governments in the second Pahlavi period and the Islamic Republic in a documentary way and in the context of the discussion of urban diplomacy.